Reviews of books that have held my interest. And things that happen along the way.
I have made it simpler to leave a comment. Just hit the comment selection and choose anonymous at the bottom- Or at my yahoo;
robertrswwilliams@yahoo.com
And let's not forget my friends at the Public Libraries!Most of my selections come from the Libraries listed on my sidebar. They are a great resource and a wonderful use of our tax dollars.
Have you hugged a Librarian today?
With its 59 pages of Notes covering each if its 58 chapters, and a 20 page Bibliography, this carefully researched biography of J. Edgar Hoover may be the best yet. It is the Winner of the 2023 Pulitzer Prize in Biography, as well as the Winner of the 2022 National Book Critics Circle Award.
The actual biographical portion spans over 750 pages and after a brief portion devoted to his years as a child, it dives into a decade by decade narrative of one of the most unusual lives of the 20th century. Both his presence and its impact are still felt today.
From the years leading up to the First World War, the first Red Scare and the resultant Palmer Raids, through the years of Prohibition and the Teapot Dome Scandal this is a book which keeps on giving.
Sifting through every source available to the author, Ms. Gage has penned a biography which will surprise you in many ways. It overturns many assumptions made by previous authors on such issues as Hoover's stance on subjects from Japanese Internment Camps; he was against it; to his views on treating Jim Crow and Civil Rights in the same way he viewed Communism. In many ways this book is an eye opener.
And yet, when it comes to his refusal to accept the existence of a nationwide Organized Crime Syndicate, to his rocky relationship with the Kennedy's and his subsequent stonewalling of the Warren Commission, there are few surprises.
The most eye opening portions of this book, for me, involved the way President Johnson was able to get him to view the Civil Rights Struggle in the same way he had come to view Organized Crime and the Labor Racketeers as two sides of the same coin. They were all law breakers.
His biggest errors are not ignored either. The Cointrel program, in which he justified the Agency's spying on the Civil Rights and Anti-War Movements, are treated as exactly what they were, an Overreach and Abuse of Power which has set the tone of the FBI through to the current day. The book offers no excuses. But it does provide explanations of how it evolved from its initial legitimacy to the rocky and suspect political bureaucracy it has become.
There is much to be gleaned from this painstakingly researched biography. I have barely scraped the surface in this review. As the longest serving Director if the Bureau, 48 years, this is the story of a man who left his mark on Anerica, for better or for worse. And as such, it is a book well worth the reading.
Abraham Lincoln was
born on February 12, 1809. My reading of this book, and the resultant review
you see here, are both coincidental to the occasion. But it does lend more of a
relevance to the narrative when reading it.
I chose this book from the “stacks” in the library precisely
because it is an older book, and as such it was written in closer proximity to
the event. The author was writing at a time when these events were less than a
century past, and there were a few people still living that had been alive when
it occurred. They may have just been children at the time, but they would have
remembered the events and the stories told by their parents and relatives.
Over the years the stories have changed. Prior to about 1970
most accounts agreed that Booth uttered his famous “Sic Semper Tyrannus!” as he
leapt to the stage from the private box where he had just shot the President
and stabbed Major Rathbone. But the contemporary accounts of the time tell a
different story. That is, the individual eyewitness accounts. But history on
this night would be written by one man; Edwin Stanton, Secretary of War.
Booth said two things after shooting Lincoln. The first was
“Sic Semper Tyrannus!”; which was the motto of the State of Virginia, and also
“The South has been avenged!” It was after saying these two things that he hung
from the ledge of the box and dropped to the stage, breaking his ankle when his
foot caught on the bunting draping the President’s box. But, I have to admit,
the leap is a great flourish and Booth would no doubt be proud of this added
highlight; true or false.
In 1954 and 1955 Mr. Bishop spent 6 months retracing the
steps of the assassin and his co-conspirators, traveling from Maine and Canada
to Virginia, reading all the old newspaper articles he could find and visiting
the locations which were involved.
One of the strangest aspects of his research was in finding
that news of the Presidents assassination was on the street the day of the
assassination; as far away as Maine and almost 10 hours before he was killed.
Even at a time when telegraph was the quickest means of communication, this
still does not explain how the reports were so accurate as to name the theater,
when at the time the President was himself still unsure of his plans. Remember
that Mrs. Surratt’s son John was just then shuttling papers back and forth
between Canada and the Confederate government in Virginia.
But this book is not given over to conspiracy theories.
Rather, it is more concerned with an hour by hour description of what each of
the participants were doing from about 7 AM on Friday April 14, 1865 until
the President succumbed to his wound at 22 minutes past 7 AM the following morning. It is of interest to note that had Booth not killed Lincoln on Good Friday the late President might not have gained such stature as a martyr. In a way Booth helped bestow that honor on the man he claimed to loathe.
Each chapter of the book explores not only the events of
that hour, but also the prior history of how the events led there. This is as
an exciting account of the night Lincoln was shot as you will find. Robert
Redford’s film; “The Conspirators”; was a fine film, but it relied on the “smooth”
version of events. There is something lacking in the film which Mr. Bishop has
captured so well within these pages; the confusion of the night as Booth was
getting away.
One example of the contemporary inaccuracies which found it's way into the movie is the scene in Secretary of State Seward's room. The room was in complete darkness. Due to extreme amount of noise made by Lewis Paine as he attempted to shoot, and finally stab the Secretary's son at the top of the stairs, his daughter had extinguished all the lights in the room at the time and even tried to hold the door back when Paine attempted to enter. As a matter of fact he wound up struggling in the dark with two persons, one of whom was the daughter.
As the streets of Washington filled with throngs of people
on foot; and some in carriages; Booth stuck fairly to the script he had planned
to make his escape over the bridge at the Navy Yard. That bridge was closed to
traffic at 9PM nightly; and so no one really thought that Booth had gone that
way. After all, the sentries were there to stop anyone trying to leave or enter
the city. But, with the war just about over; General Johnston’s troops had not
yet surrendered; the sentries were lax and allowed two of the assassins to pass
over the bridge and on toward Surrattsville and the Surratt Tavern where there
were guns and binoculars awaiting them.
The book has a sense of immediacy about it which can only
come from the careful pacing of the author, as he lets you in on each piece of
information as it happens over the course of the night. And even though you
know the story; indeed the author references the outcome in several places; the
reader is still held captive to the narrative.
Jim Bishop wrote a syndicated column for about 6 years
between 1957 and 1963. In 1964 he released ''A Day in the Life of President
Kennedy,'' which he had just finished 10 days before the assassination in
Dallas. The book had been approved by JFK without revisions. However, Jackie
Kennedy asked for 60 minor changes after his death and prior to publication; all
of which the author acceded to.
Mr. Bishop later wrote “The Day Kennedy Was Shot”,
which was first released in 1968. TV personality Bill O’Reilly has had a successful
run of books about the Lincoln and JFK assassinations, and I’ve even read them.
They add nothing to the stories and in some places are very reminiscent of the
style which Jim Bishop used in writing his books on the same subjects; only
several decades earlier than Mr. O’Reilly. That’s why I like to roam “the
stacks” at the library. A lot of “new” things can be found there.
With the Civil Rights Act of 1964 currently under fire by
Conservatives, this book comes at a crucial time in our country. With a
skillful hand author Todd S. Purdum takes a good look back at just how hard it
was to get the legislation passed in the first place; and thereby exposing the
risks to be run should we let it be overturned.
Think of a life; in which your legal rights as we know them
today; were suddenly altered. What if local laws trumped federal laws whenever
you left the Interstates? The W.C. Fields line from “My Little Chickadee” comes
to mind. As he is being led off to his own hanging, our wayward hero is heard
to cry “I’m new in town, where can I purchase a Book of the Rules?” This may
seem absurd on its face, but it’s not too far from the reality which would set
in should the Civil Rights Act ever be repealed.
At the time that the Act was made into law, there were
sections of our country; not just in the South; where people of color, read
that as non-white or “different”, could not obtain a hotel room for the night,
or even sit in a restaurant to eat. The hotel maids that touched the sheets of
the white patrons were black. The cooks in the restaurants were black. It was
an absurd embarrassment. At the time we were engaged in a Cold War with the
Soviets, and having a hard time claiming the moral high ground against a
backdrop of racial discrimination.
The author draws upon the best writings, and writers, of the
Civil Rights chroniclers and then adds to their perspectives of life “in the
forefront” by taking a hard look at the people who were actually involved behind
the scenes in the legislative process. (The bibliography of this book could
serve as a syllabus for a complete course on the history of the Civil Rights
Movement.)
After the Freedom Riders; after Selma; there was still no
legal basis for an end to Jim Crow in the South until it was codified into law.
This book is the story of that end of the Civil Rights struggle. With a
colorful cast of characters; every bit as varied, and sometimes flawed; as
their counterparts in the front lines were, this book will have you recalling
all of the political figures you remember from the news growing up in the 1960’s.
There are President’s Kennedy and Johnson; both struggling
against the winds of change to secure the rights of all Americans to vote.
There are the Senators; ranging from Humphrey to Dirksen and Thurmond; with one
of the longest filibusters in our history as the Senate belatedly comes
together to pass a bi-partisan Civil Rights bill. There are enough characters
in here to fill a novel; with the difference being that these people actually lived
and changed lives in the bargain.
The real difference between this book and the many others
concerning the Civil Rights Era is that this book concentrates on what was
happening in Washington, D.C. at the time of the protests. While the protests
may have been the catalyst for change; without new laws to back up those
changes, there is no telling what the fate of the movement would have been. And
the story of the wrangling, and the deal making that went into getting the bill
passed is every bit as exciting; and at times infuriating; as the actual
struggle on the ground was.
Mr. Purdum has taken all of the available information of the
Civil Rights Struggle and written a
newer, more concise history of the Civil Rights Act; one which will be
appreciated by readers who were not alive at the time these events occurred.
There are very important lessons to be learned from this book;
the most important of which is just how hard it was to get this law passed in
the first place. And that lesson calls to mind a very important question; why
would anyone want to do away with the Civil Rights Act? Bear in mind that the
next time this battle is waged it will be more about economics than color.
If you believe that President Kennedy was killed by a lone
assassin named Lee Harvey Oswald, then this is the book you have been waiting
for. On the other hand, if you believe that President Kennedy was a victim of a
conspiracy, then this is the book for you. Author Philip Shenon has gathered
the memories of all the surviving staff members who assisted the Warren
Commission in compiling its report, and in doing so has only bolstered the
beliefs of both sides.
The Warren Commission Report was initiated by President
Johnson, who later opined to Walter Cronkite that he believed there was a
conspiracy to kill Kennedy, and therefore did not believe in the findings of
the commission he himself had created. It was never signed by the man who
chaired it; Chief Justice Earl Warren, who suppressed evidence in order to wrap
things up neatly. And, finally, it was signed reluctantly by the man who would,
11 years later become the first unelected President of the United States,
Gerald Ford.
If you ever want to explain why Americans don’t really trust
their government, and embrace conspiracy theories in the first place, you have
only to look at the dysfunction of the Warren Commission to prove your point.
The infighting between the various agencies; such as the FBI and the CIA to
withhold evidence and sources from one another, as well as the commission, are
perfect examples.
The book goes into detail about the connection of Oswald’s
supposed Mexican visit, which produced no known photos of him at either of the
embassies he supposedly visited, raising the possibility of a double agent. His
relationship with Silvia Duran, of the Cuban Embassy is also explored.
Of particular interest are the deals made by Marina Oswald
in the days immediately surrounding her husband’s death at the hands of Jack
Ruby. She sold her husband’s diary without even telling the police that there
was one. She also burned what she thought to be the only copies of the now
iconic photos of her husband posing with a rifle, handgun and a Communist newspaper.
The fact that there were so many other copies floating about in the days before
digital scanning, etc. makes me wonder. Who else had copies of these photos and
why?
Her take from the various book deals and magazine articles
amounted to about $300,000 in today’s dollars. She fired her business manager,
James Martin, after having a brief affair with him while living in his home.
She ended the affair by calling his wife and telling her that her husband was
no longer employed as her manager, or lover.
Marina Oswald wasn’t the only widow taking in some immediate
cash. Jackie Kennedy began work on her book with Arthur Schlesinger before the
Warren Commission was even done with their report. The commission was not even
going to call upon her for her testimony; wishing to spare her the ordeal;
until they got wind of the book. If she could talk about it for money, then she
could appear before the Commission. Still, when it came time to depose her,
they went to her home in Georgetown, where she was living at the time.
Robert Kennedy would only appear before the Commission by a
series of letters; ones which he wrote himself. The first one was a request
from Chief Justice Earl Warren to him; written by RFK asking him to submit a
reply. The Chief Justice signed that request and sent it back to RFK. A
pre-approved reply was then sent to the Chief Justice.
The portion of the investigation dealing with Jack Ruby is a
true riddle. The man had the opportunity to kill Oswald on Friday night at the
infamous “news conference” at the City Jail, where he was paraded before the
press. Ruby even took part in that event when he corrected DA Henry Wade on the
correct name of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. He was that well known to the
local police, yet no one noticed him entering the building on Sunday morning
when he was finally able to kill Oswald.
Ruby ended up deranged before and during his trial for
killing Oswald. He believed that since he had murdered Oswald the Jews of
America were being tortured in retaliation. He was clearly insane; even judged
to be so; yet he was still sentenced to death for his crime. He died before the
sentence could be carried out. His chapter remains one of the most
controversial among conspiracy theorists.
Arlen Specter, the architect of the “magic bullet” theory;
which says that one pristine bullet caused 7 wounds to both Kennedy and Governor
Connally before landing underneath a rubber mat on the gurney at Parkland
hospital; is portrayed as an adequate investigator. His theory was doubted by
just about everyone on the Commission. It has been the subject of numerous
recreations using the latest technology to prove its validity. But think about
this; if you intentionally set out to prove a theory correct, you must first
start out by accepting that theory to be true. If you believe it to be false it
is just as easy to prove that as well.
One of the most interesting events to come out of the Warren
Commission’s investigation occurred when William Coleman; the lone
African-American working for the Committee; went to a secret rendezvous off of
Cuba to meet Castro and ask him; face to face; whether or not he, or the
Russians, had anything to do with the President’s murder.
Castro had told the press in October of 1963 that the
American government was targeting him for assassination; which they were under
Operation Mongoose a black op being run by the CIA. He also promised to
retaliate in kind; which many people think is actually what happened; Operation
Mongoose got reversed by right wing factions within the United Sates, making
Kennedy the target instead.
The most interesting thing about Coleman’s encounter is that
he already knew Castro from the Cuban leader’s visits to New York, which had
begun as early as the 1940’s. Apparently Coleman had met him in Harlem at the
jazz clubs when Castro was on his honeymoon in 1948. They were both jazz fans.
When they met again in 1964 aboard a Cuban navy boat, they discussed that visit
and music before getting down to business. Castro denied any involvement in the
murder, and Mr. Coleman took him at face value.
The investigators themselves; along with the 7 Committee members
themselves, were often at odds over the direction and progress of the
Commission. Some wanted to focus on the foreign conspiracy aspect of the crime
more than others. As a result of the pre-determined outcome of the report; it
must sate that Oswald acted alone, this was understood by all; any leads not
leading back to Oswald as the sole shooter, were given short shrift.
Commission investigator Jim Liebeler was a hard working
staff member. But he still found time to attempt the seduction of both Marina
Oswald and Silvia Odio; the Cuban woman in Texas who claimed to have seen
Oswald in the company of 2 other Latino men prior to the assassination. Silvia
Odio is a possible key to the unexplored portions of Oswald’s Mexico City trip.
The other Silvia in this story is Silvia Duran, who was
taken into custody within hours of the assassination by Mexican police at the
request of the CIA. She was beaten and tortured in an effort to find out what
she knew about Oswald and his activities there in Mexico.
All of these loose ends are what have Mr. Shenon concerned;
and rightfully so; that there are still unexplored leads to the murder of President
Kennedy in 1963. The latest ones involve Elena and Helena Garro, a mother
daughter team who claim to have attended a party at which Oswald was present in
Mexico prior to the assassination.
Whatever your beliefs about the Kennedy assassination may
be, this book delivers all of the excitement you have come to expect from the
crime which just won’t be solved. Mr. Shenon has done his homework well, and as
a result has delivered an exciting book about the scenes behind the Warren
Commission and the men who served on it.
In the end, it is also the story of the Warren Commission Report; a report which the Chief Justice for whom it was named refused to sign; and was only signed by Gerald Ford, who never believed it to be correct. And 11 years later he would become the first un-elected President of the United States.
I picked this book up with no intention of reading it all
the way through, let alone review it. It seemed as if it would be the gossipy
type of “beach book” you take on vacation and don’t expect much of. I love
being wrong.
In this carefully annotated and indexed book, the author has
penned a comprehensive look at one of the most fascinating power couples ever.
This is the story of the marriage of President and Mrs. Kennedy during the
1,000 days that they inhabited the White House, as well as the world stage. It
is a fascinating story because it is so well documented and it accurately reflects
the attitudes of the early 1960’s.
Relying on the memories of those who were closest to the
couple; a range which spans everyone from the President’s sisters to the White
House Staff; the author covers just about every base there is in telling the
story of the Presidents numerous affairs, as well as his respect for his wife.
If that seems odd; as it does to me; then reading this book will expose you to
the jet set world of the 1960’s when everybody, it seems, was pushing the
boundaries of the ordinary, and accepted, social mores.
The fact that the President had his hands full with one
world crisis after another during this period, did little to slow down his Lothario
like appetite for women; any women; anywhere; anytime. This appetite was always
present, even before he became President, but was exacerbated by his use of
powerful steroids and painkillers, mixed with amphetamines. Dr. Jacobson, known
to millions as Dr. Feelgood, was logging more air miles that Hillary Clinton as
he traveled back and forth from New York to Washington, California, Florida and
even accompanying the President on his first foreign summit with Khrushchev in
1961.
But more than anything else, this book is the portrait of a
woman coming to terms with a world she did not much like, yet came to command.
From her efforts to restore the White House to her last years as an editor,
this woman was as close to a Queen as America has ever had. Surprisingly, this
was a fascinating book to read.
If you were alive on Sunday November 24, 1963 then you have
never forgotten the murder of Lee Harvey Oswald by Jack Ruby as it played out
in real time across America. I was watching TV with my parents when the
transfer of Lee Harvey Oswald was taking place. I guess that everyone was doing
the same thing. This was live TV at a time when we had just one satellite.
This film is a bit different from most of the other clips
you might be seeing of the event. It seems to have been taken from a slightly
different angle than the others, showing Jack Ruby emerging from screen right
more clearly than some of the others. In most of the still photographs you only
see a vague blur in place of Jack Ruby. He is obscured by the others in the
crowd. In this clip you can actually see Ruby gut shoot Oswald.
The three days beginning Friday November 22nd,
1963 with the President’s shooting; and ending with his burial at Arlington
National Cemetery on Monday November 25th, are days which can never
be forgotten by those who were alive at the time. I remember thinking that I
was living through history. I was 9 years old and a big fan of Abe Lincoln, so
I could not escape the magnitude of what was happening.
But nobody expected to see Jack Ruby kill Oswald on live TV.
Later on, of course, we found out that Ruby was present at the press conference
on Friday at the police station where Oswald was held. He was even there for
the press conferences which included Oswald, almost as if he were just waiting
for the chance to shoot him. On Sunday, November 24, 1963, either in emotional
distress; or by design; Jack Ruby got his chance.
There is one thing which has puzzled even many skeptics over
the last 50 years concerning the assassination of President Kennedy, and the
subsequent killing of the suspect, Lee Harvey Oswald. That is why he was
paraded; literally; in front of reporters in a hallway, and later on in a
conference room at which Jack Ruby was present? At that conference Mr. Ruby
even offered a correction to a question about the Fair Play for Cuba movement.
When people are accused of a high profile crime; even back
then; they were secluded for two reasons. The first is that you really don’t
want the trial to begin de-facto on TV, which raises the possibility of a mistrial
later due to a tainted jury pool; and the second reason is that you don’t want
some nut job killing the suspect for any reason at all.
In the case of Lee Harvey Oswald, he was paraded 3 times
before the news media, and even allowed to give a midnight conference with TV
reporters. The full footage of that conference is not on You Tube, so I have
used the hallway footage to illustrate my point. Why was this man placed in
front of the public at all?
The answer is patently simple. They wanted him dead. Look at
who was in charge in Dallas at the time of the President’s murder? The Mayor
was Earle Cabell, the brother of Charles Cabell, the CIA director who had been
fired after the disaster at the Bay of Pigs in 1961. Every-one else was
subservient to this man. At stake was the fate of the Oil Depletion Allowance,
which resulted in some very powerful people, all of whom had ties to the
Intelligence Community, the Oil Industry and Army Intelligence to actually be
involved in the President’s motorcade route when he was killed.
Deputy Police Chief George Lumpkin was driving the lead car.
Lumpkin was the friend of Jack Crichton, who was a member of the Army
Intelligence Reserve Unit. Lt. Colonel George Whitmeyer, who commanded all of
the Reserve Units in Texas, was in the car with him. He was not on the approved
list of people riding in the motorcade and basically forced his way into it by
virtue of his rank.
When the pilot car passed the Book Depository he instructed
Mr. Crichton to stop the vehicle so he could relay instructions to the Dallas
Policemen who were handling traffic at the corner of Elm and Houston. It is not known what the nature of that conversation was; only that it was conducted by a man with ties to the military and the CIA who should not have even been there at all.
The links go on and on; but the central question will
always be why was Oswald paraded before anyone at all in the less than 48 hours
he would be in custody before he was murdered by a man known very well to the
Dallas Police Department? Remember that when Oswald was shot, one of the
detectives handling him cried out, “Jack, you son of a bitch!” That footage
will be posted tomorrow.
I am one of the many people who have never given up on the search for who killed John Kennedy. It is one of my favorite "parlor games." In a way I hope it is never solved as it would deprive me of a lifelong hobby. I was 9 years old when Kennedy was killed in Dallas. It was a major event in my young life.
Recently- about 4 years ago- a window purported to be the one Lee Harvey Oswald fired from, was offered for sale on E-Bay. The price went as high as $3 million dollars! But, even more intriguing is the fact that the buildings owner, oilman D. Harold Byrd, had the window removed shortly after the assassination and framed in his office. This begs the question;
Who is D. Harold Byrd? And what is his connection to the Book Depository?
In May 1963 when the planning for the President's Dallas trip began, Mr. Byrd purchased the Sexton Building and renamed it the Texas School Book Depository. Sounds like the school system owned it. But in fact it was a private company owned by Mr. Byrd, who was, as I have already stated, an oilman who was no fan of the president. With the Kennedy administration hammering away at the Oil Depletion Allowance; which is still in effect today; Mr. Byrd stood to lose millions of dollars if the allowance were terminated.
The Sexton Building sat on one of the routes necessary for the President to reach his destination at the Trade Mart. The other route was around the corner, and changed at the last minute. The Convention Center had already been booked for November 22nd by Pepsi-Cola for their annual meeting, during which they would be discussing the shortage of sugar due to Castro's continued hold on Cuba, which they blamed on Kennedy's policies concerning the island, and the increase in the price of sugar which was cutting deeply into their bottom line.
Mr. Byrd was also the founder of the Civil Air Patrol- the group that links Oswald and David Ferrie to JFK's murder. Mr. Byrd was a former employer and partner with George DeMorschildt, the man who, along with his wife; and later with Ruth Paine; befriended Oswald in Dallas in the days leading up to the assassination. And, both were connected to George H.W. Bush, President of Zappata Offshore Oil. Zappata is the entity that "donated" the million dollars demanded by the Watergate Burglars to ensure their silence in the wake of the Watergate Burglary, which toppled the Presidency of Richard Nixon.
6 weeks prior to the assassination of JFK, and only a few weeks after Mr. Byrd had the building opened for operation, Lee Harvey Oswald was steered to the job there by Mrs. Ruth Paine, who was an acquaintance of Mr. Byrd's. Coincidence? Probably not. The chances of ever really knowing the truth are probably slim to none. But the story of Mr. Byrd, and his purchase of the window from the building he owned at the time of the murder of JFK, smacks of a man who wanted a trophy of sorts from one of the most shocking deeds of the 20th century. At any rate, it's food for thought.
Here's an article from the Wall Street Journal in 2009 about this window; and another one; which was also removed from the Book Depository. It seems that there is some speculation about which window is the real window. The article makes interesting reading, as it underscores just how much of an impact JFK's assassination had at the time, and the fascination which it still holds today, 50 years after that day in Dallas.
This is a great movie about Clifford Irving’s alleged
attempt to forge an autobiography of Howard Hughes. I say alleged because I
have never been convinced that Mr. Irving wasn't the foil of larger forces. Think
about it; a mediocre author, rejected by his publisher; suddenly comes up with
the idea, and opportunity, to do an autobiography of the world’s richest and
most reclusive man, and manages to secure a whopping $100,000 advance from the
publisher. Now he has to produce the book.
In his mind he is in actual contact with the legendary millionaire
via handwritten letters detailing his life’s story. But is he? The handwriting
experts all say the letters are genuine, but are they? In this cinematic
version, based on actual documents and interviews, the author has hatched this
plan with a friend, who doubts that the scheme will work. Banking on the greed
of the publisher to land the most coveted book of the last 50 years, they study
Hughes’ handwriting, honing their skills to perfection, and then creating the
letters.
When he is accused of forging the letters, he manages to raise the advance to $1 million dollars, which only serves to ratchet up the pressure to produce the book.
The money is exchanged based on the publisher’s eagerness to get
the book out, only to be outwitted by either the author, or the forces he
claims are arrayed against him. The goal, of course, was to add fuel to the
fire when the real powers that be decided to bring Nixon down via Watergate.
What better ammunition to have than a documented payment from Hughes via a
disgraced publisher to a suspect author? If this seems confusing you really
need to brush up on the connections between the Bay of Pigs, Dealey Plaza, and
finally the Watergate affair, which was concocted to bring down the President
by exposing his links to some of the most atrocious events of the 1960’s.
Excellent acting by Richard Gere; along with a tightly woven
account of the events; are the things which drive this film, making it well
worth watching.
I had not planned on reading this book, as I was afraid that I had already prejudged it. But, in the end, the words of the commentator; for that is what Mr. O’Reilly is; will be judged for the partisan ramblings which they have produced. This could have been an insightful book were it not for the agenda of the “authors.” The pity of it is that the 24/7 news cycle generation will take this book as pure fact, without ever delving beneath the surface, which the “commentator” has not even scratched.
Even the subtitle is designed to mislead the reader into
thinking that the president lived in an insular fantasy world. In reality
though, the “Camelot” myth was not killed when Kennedy was assassinated, as Mr.
O’Reilly asserts; it was created by Jackie Kennedy after the president’s
murder. She claims that each night before retiring, her husband used to listen
to the Broadway cast recording of the show. It’s a small point, but the purpose
is apparent. This man will go to any length in order to vilify the President.
Civil Rights legislation was only a way of getting the black
vote; the Cuban Missle Crisis was only of importance to the President because
the mid-term elections were coming up and his brother was running in
Massachusetts. Even the President’s military rank as an Ensign Jg. is
incorrectly termed as a Second Lieutenant, which is an Army rank. The PT-109
incident was an example of Kennedy’s recklessness. He should have simply seen
the Japanese cruiser in the dark of the night with no radar. Saving his crew
was just a way to lay the groundwork for a future in politics, even though at
the time his brother Joe was still alive and had political aspirations, which
the younger Kennedy did not.
The book drones on and on in this way, with the authors misrepresentations beginning early and continuing throughout the book. While he does get things
correct, he spins them in a very clever way to create failures out of
successes, and weaknesses of strengths.
Mr. O’Reilly is skilled at saying one thing while meaning
quite another. Every good word the “author” has to say about the President is cast
in the light of failure. Basically he states that Kennedy was a just a dumb
bastard who got himself killed, by way of lifestyle and recklessness, and to
some extent that is true. But, the failure of the agencies, and their
willingness to do their sworn duties in protecting the President, is
frightening. It changed the way in which our government works, with the elected
official living in fear of those who are sworn to protect him. In the case of
Watergate, some of the same people involved in the Bay of Pigs and the later events
in Dallas, blackmailed the President into resigning from office, blocking his
policies and changing international discourse.
Most of the “Notes” to which the author credits his sources
come from the Internet, rather than established literature on the subject. Personally,
I recommend Russ Baker’s “Family of Secrets”, in which the author fully
annotates the connections between the Bay of Pigs, the Kennedy Assassination
and the Watergate affair. That book cites every source, and even credits each
statement, often to the memoirs of the persons making those statements. That
book; in my estimation; is the epitome of the way history should be written, by
an accredited author, and not a political commentator with a known agenda.
Jim Garrison is still
the only person to have ever brought to trial the conspirators in the murder of
John F. Kennedy in 1963. His reputation has been tarnished for the
ages by ridicule and disbelief. If you have ever seen Oliver Stone’s film “JFK”
then you have heard the following closing argument made by Mr. Garrison in
court on February 28, 1969. Although copies were handed out to the press at the
end of the proceedings, the summation has never really garnered much attention
in the mind of the public. Much of this is due to the reaction against the film
by Mr. Stone. Yet, when you actually read the text of Mr. Garrison’s closing
remarks, one cannot help being affected by the veracity of his words. It is an
important and eloquent speech which contains much truth. Here is that argument,
just as it was delivered in court in 1969.
May it please the court. Gentlemen of the jury. I know
you're very tired. You've been very patient. This final day has been a long
one, so I'll speak only a few minutes. In his argument, Mr. Dymond posed one
final issue which raises the question of what we do when the need for justice
is confronted by power. So, let me talk to you about the question of whether or
not there was government fraud in this case--a question Mr. Dymond seems to
want us to answer. A government is a great deal like a human being. It's not
necessarily all good, and it's not necessarily all bad. We live in a good
country. I love it and you do too. Nevertheless, the fact remains that we have
a government which is not perfect.
There have been indications since November the 22nd of
1963--and that was not the last indication--that there is excessive power in
some parts of our government. It is plain that the people have not received all
of the truth about some of the things which have happened, about some of the
assassinations which have occurred--and more particularly about the
assassination of John Kennedy.
Going back to when we were children, I think most of
us--probably all of us here in the courtroom--once thought that justice came
into being of its own accord, that virtue was its own reward, that good would
triumph over evil--in short, that justice occurred automatically. Later, when
we found that this wasn't quite so, most of us still felt hopefully that at
least justice occurred frequently of its own accord.
Today, I think that almost all of us would have to agree
that there is really no machinery--not on this Earth at least--which causes
justice to occur automatically. Men have to make it occur. Individual human
beings have to make it occur. Otherwise, it doesn't come into existence. This
is not always easy. As a matter of fact, it's always hard, because justice
presents a threat to power. In order to make justice come into being, you often
have to fight power.
Mr. Dymond raised the question: Why don't we say it's all a
fraud and charge the government with fraud, if this is the case? Let me be
explicit, then, and make myself very clear on this point.
The government's handling of the investigation of John
Kennedy's murder was a fraud. It was the greatest fraud in the history of our
country. It probably was the greatest fraud ever perpetrated in the history of
humankind. That doesn't mean that we have to accept the continued existence of
the kind of government which allows this to happen. We can do something about
it. We're forced either to leave this country or to accept the authoritarianism
that has developed--the authoritarianism which tells us that in the year 2029
we can see the evidence about what happened to John Kennedy.
Government does not consist only of secret police and
domestic espionage operations and generals and admirals--government consists of
people. It also consists of juries. And cases of murder--whether of the poorest
individual or the most distinguished citizen in the land--should be looked at
openly in a court of law, where juries can pass on them and not be hidden, not
be buried like the body of the victim beneath concrete for countless years.
You men in these recent weeks have heard witnesses that no
one else in the world has heard. You've seen the Zapruder film. You've seen
what happened to your President. I suggest to you that you know right now that,
in that area at least, a fraud has been perpetrated.
That does not mean that our government is entirely bad; and
I want to emphasize that. It does mean, however, that in recent years, through
the development of excessive power because of the Cold War, forces have
developed in our government over which there is no control and these forces
have an authoritarian approach to justice--meaning, they will let you know what
justice is.
Well, my reply to them is that we already know what justice
is. It is the decision of the people passing on the evidence. It is the jury
system. In this issue which is posed by the government's conduct in concealing
the evidence in this case--in the issue of humanity as opposed to power--I have
chosen humanity, and I will do it again without any hesitation. I hope every
one of you will do the same. I do this because I love my country and because I
want to communicate to the government that we will not accept unexplained
assassinations with the casual information that if we live seventy-five years
longer, we might be given more evidence.
In this particular case, massive power was brought to bear
to prevent justice from ever coming into this courtroom. The power to make
authoritive pronouncements, the power to manipulate the news media by the
release of false information, the power to interfere with an honest inquiry and
the power to provide an endless variety of experts to testify in behalf of
power, repeatedly was demonstrated in this case.
The American people have yet to see the Zapruder film. Why?
The American people have yet to see and hear from the real witnesses to the
assassination. Why? Because, today in America too much emphasis is given to
secrecy, with regard to the assassination of our President, and not enough
emphasis is given to the question of justice and to the question of humanity.
These dignified deceptions will not suffice. We have had
enough of power without truth. We don't have to accept power without truth or
else leave the country. I don't accept either of these two alternatives. I
don't intend to leave the country and I don't intend to accept power without
truth.
I intend to fight for the truth. I suggest that not only is
this not un-American, but it is the most American thing we can do--because if
the truth does not endure, then our country will not endure.
In our country the worst of all crimes occurs when the
government murders truth. If it can murder truth, it can murder freedom. If it
can murder freedom, it can murder your own sons--if they should dare to fight
for freedom-- and then it can announce that they were killed in an industrial
accident, or shot by the "enemy" or God knows what.
In this case, finally, it has been possible to bring the
truth about the assassination into a court of law--not before a commission
composed of important and powerful and politically astute men, but before a
jury of citizens.
Now, I suggest to you that yours is a hard duty, because in
a sense what you're passing on is equivalent to a murder case. The difficult
thing about passing on a murder case is that the victim is out of your sight
and buried a long distance away, and all you can see is the defendant. It's
very difficult to identify with someone you can't see, and sometimes it's hard
not to identify to some extent with the defendant and his problems.
In that regard, every prosecutor who is at all humane is
conscious of feeling sorry for the defendant in every case he prosecutes. But
he is not free to forget the victim who lies buried out of sight. I suggest to
you that, if you do your duty, you also are not free to forget the victim who
is buried out of sight.
You know, Tennyson once said that, "authority forgets a
dying king." This was never more true than in the murder of John Kennedy.
The strange and deceptive conduct of the government after his murder began
while his body was warm, and has continued for five years. You have seen in
this courtroom indications of the interest of part of the government power
structure in keeping the truth down, in keeping the grave closed.
We presented a number of eyewitnesses as well as an expert
witness as well as the Zapruder film, to show that the fatal wound of the
President came from the front. A plane landed from Washington and out stepped
Dr. Finck for the defense, to counter the clear and apparent evidence of a shot
from the front. I don't have to go into Dr. Finck's testimony in detail for you
to show that it simply did not correspond with the facts. He admitted that he
did not complete the autopsy because a general told him not to complete the
autopsy.
In this conflict between power and justice--to put it that
way--just where do you think Dr. Finck stands? A general, who was not a
pathologist, told him not to complete the autopsy, so he didn't complete it.
This is not the way I want my country to be. When our President is killed he
deserves the kind of autopsy that the ordinary citizen gets every day in the
State of Louisiana. And the people deserve the facts about it. We can't have
government power suddenly interjecting itself and preventing the truth form
coming to the people.
Yet in this case, before the sun rose the next morning,
power had moved into the situation and the truth was being concealed. And now,
five years later in this courtroom the power of the government in concealing
the truth is continuing in the same way.
We presented eyewitnesses who told you of the shots coming
from the grassy knoll. A plane landed from Washington, and out came ballistics
expert Frazier for the defense. Mr. Frazier's explanation of the sound of the
shots coming from the front, which was heard by eyewitness after eyewitness,
was that Lee Oswald created a sonic boom in his firing. Not only did Oswald
break all of the world's records for marksmanship, but he broke the sound
barrier as well.
I suggest to you, that if any of you have shot on a firing
range--and most of you probably have in the service--you were shooting rifles
in which the bullet traveled faster than the speed of sound. I ask you to
recall if you ever heard a sonic boom. If you remember when you were on the
firing line, and they would say, "Ready on the left; ready on the right;
ready on the firing line; commence firing," you heard the shots coming
from the firing line--to the left of you and to the right of you. If you had
heard, as a result of Frazier's fictional sonic boom, firing coming at you from
the pits, you would have had a reaction which you would still remember.
Mr. Frazier's sonic boom simply doesn't exist. It's part of
the fraud-- a part of the continuing government fraud.
The best way to make this country the kind of country it's
supposed to be is to communicate to the government that no matter how powerful
it may be, we do not accept these frauds. We do not accept these false
announcements. We do not accept the concealment of evidence with regard to the
murder of President Kennedy. Who is the most believable: a Richard Randolph
Carr, seated here in a wheelchair and telling you what he saw and what he heard
and how he was told to shut his mouth--or Mr. Frazier with his sonic booms? Do
we really have to reject Mr. Newman and Mrs. Newman and Mr. Carr and Roger
Craig and the testimony of all those honest witnesses--reject all this and
accept the fraudulent Warren Commission, or else leave the country?
I suggest to you that there are other alternatives. One of
them has been put in practice in the last month in the State of Louisiana--and
that is to bring out the truth in a proceeding where attorneys can
cross-examine, where the defendant can be confronted by testimony against him,
where the rules of evidence are applied and where a jury of citizens can pass
on it--and where there is no government secrecy. Above all, where you do not
have evidence concealed for seventy-five years in the name of "national
security."
All we have in this case are the facts--facts which show
that the defendant participated in the conspiracy to kill the President and
that the President was subsequently killed in an ambush.
The reply of the defense has been the same as the early
reply of the government in the Warren Commission. It has been authority,
authority, authority. The President's seal outside of each volume of the Warren
Commission Report--made necessary because there is nothing inside these
volumes, only men of high position and prestige sitting on a Board, and
announcing the results to you, but not telling you what the evidence is,
because the evidence has to be hidden for seventy-five years.
You heard in this courtroom in recent weeks, eyewitness
after eyewitness after eyewitness and, above all, you saw one eyewitness which
was indifferent to power--the Zapruder film. The lens of the camera is totally
indifferent to power and it tells what happened as it saw it happen--and that
is one of the reasons 200 million Americans have not seen the Zapruder film.
They should have seen it many times. They should know exactly what happened.
They all should know what you know now. Why hasn't all of this come into being
if there hasn't been government fraud? Of course there has been fraud by the
government.
But I'm telling you now that I think we can do something
about it. I think that there are still enough Americans left in this country to
make it continue to be America. I think that we can still fight
authoritarianism--the government's insistence on secrecy, government force used
in counterattacks against an honest inquiry--and when we do that, we're not
being un-American, we're being American. It isn't easy. You're sticking your
neck out in a rather permanent way, but it has to be done because truth does not
come into being automatically. Individual men, like the members of my staff
here, have to work and fight to make it happen--and individual men like you
have to make justice come into being because otherwise is doesn't happen.
What I'm trying to tell you is that there are forces in
America today, unfortunately, which are not in favor of the truth coming out
about John Kennedy's assassination. As long as our government continues to be
like this, as long as such forces can get away with such actions, then this is
no longer the country in which we were born.
The murder of John Kennedy was probably the most terrible
moment in the history of our country. Yet, circumstances have placed you in the
position where not only have you seen the hidden evidence but you are actually
going to have the opportunity to bring justice into the picture for the first
time.
Now, you are here sitting in judgment on Clay Shaw. Yet you,
as men, represent more than jurors in an ordinary case because of the victim in
this case. You represent, in a sense, the hope of humanity against government
power. You represent humanity, which yet may triumph over excessive government
power-- if you will cause it to be so, in the course of doing your duty in this
case.
I suggest that you ask not what your country can do for you
but what you can do for your country.
What can you do for your country? You can cause justice to
happen for the first time in this matter. You can help make our country better
by showing that this is still a government of the people. And if you do that,
as long as you live, nothing will ever be more important.
This is an unusual biography in that it is more of a
“talking” history of the man by the people who knew him best. The book is
written by Mark Updegrove; who is the Director of the LBJ Library and Museum in
Austin, Texas; so you do have to take that into account. It is, however, very
candid on most subjects. In some ways, as in LBJ’s relationship with his wife,
there is new material here that is of great interest in understanding a man who
may have been one of our country’s most complex Presidents.
As with any biography, particular attention should always be
paid to the author, as well as any relationship he may have with his subject.
That said, I did find this to be a pretty fair portrait of President Johnson; unflinching
in any credit due him for things both good and bad during his time in office.
As I said earlier, one of the more interesting parts of this
book dealt with LBJ’s relationship with his wife Lady Bird; born Claudia Alta
Taylor; and her behind the scenes support of her husband as President. Although
aware of his philandering nature, she was secure enough on her own to simply
disregard it. And, at the same time she would critique his speeches and act as
a sounding board for him during his 5 years in the White House. Mr. Updegrove
does a wonderful job of giving her credit for her efforts. He paints a new
portrait; more accurate than any previous; of Lady Bird as she really was.
Some of the behind the scenes maneuvering by both the
Soviets and the Americans on the eve of the Israeli 6 Day War in 1967 were of
special interest. The Soviets, after having instigated the whole thing with
Syria and Egypt to make war on Israel, realized that the situation was moving
too quickly and attempted to put a stop to it. The Americans, on their side,
wanted Israel to wait and be attacked, thus taking the high road. Instead,
Israel, acting unilaterally, pre-empted the attack by Syria, Egypt and Jordan
with an attack of her own, slicing through the opposing armies and capturing
the West Bank, Golan Heights and Jerusalem in the process. These territories
are still in dispute today, with Israel having held them as an example of the
consequences of being attacked by her neighbors.
If you’ve ever seen the “Andy Griffith Show” where the Soviet
and American negotiators meet in Sheriff Taylor’s kitchen for a summit, you
will enjoy the account of the “Glassboro Summit”, in which the President met
with Premier Kosygin in the living room of Glassboro State College President
Dr. Robinson’s home in New Jersey. The setting was similar to the way it was
portrayed on the “Andy Griffith Show”, worn furniture and all. In this atmosphere,
the two world leaders were able to bond over talk of their grandchildren;
Johnson had just become a grandfather; much as Jimmy Carter and Anwar Sadat would
later do at Camp David.
The book is basically an oral biography in that most of it
is taken up by the quotes of the people involved in the incidents the author
writes about. When he writes about a typical cabinet meeting, it is done with
quotes by the people who were there, and who have gone on record with these
recollections. This gives the book a sense of immediacy, as if you are being
spoken to by the participants, rather than just reading about distant events.
Harry Truman was portrayed in just such a way by Merle Miller in “Plain
Speaking”, which is still one of my favorite Presidential autobiographies.
President Johnson was not the greatest foreign policy leader
we have ever had, but domestically he was the most far reaching. His completion
of the Civil Rights Act of 1964; which began with President Kennedy; would have
been enough for one administration to tackle, but Johnson went further, giving
the law its teeth with the passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965. That
legislation went beyond mere words; it ensured that there would be no more
obstacles for blacks to overcome in order to vote. That act did more to help
change the politics of this country than anything since Lincoln’s Emancipation
Proclamation. It empowered a whole demographic to exercise their rights for the
first time.
Under Johnson’s Presidency, and with his instigation, the minimum
wage rose from $1.25 per hour to $1.60 per hour, a 28% increase for the lowest
paid of Americans. While walking through the White House and seeing a group of
tourists in the hall, he was asked about that increase. His response was
eloquent; he told the visitors that the law was for “that little charwoman who
scrubs the floor at that hotel”, and “the waitress that’s got three kids at
home, that goes in there in the morning before daylight to be ready to serve
coffee when they drop in at six o’clock, and usually stays until dark.”
It is easy to remember President Johnson for the Vietnam
War, social disorder here at home, and a myriad of other problems. This book
focuses more on some of the better things which grew from that Presidency.
Sometimes, when we look back, it is easiest to remember the turmoil. But, it is
also equally important to remember the steps which were taken in the right
direction, if only to inspire the leaders of the present and future to further
heights.
These are two exchanges between President John Kennedy and an unnamed Air Force General concerning the purchase of maternity suite furniture for a room at Otis Air Force Base. The furniture was to be used for Mrs. Kennedy when she gave birth to their expected child, Patrick, who was born and died in August 1963, just a few months before the President's assassination.
The President, as well as the Air Force, were concerned that should Mrs. Kennedy go into labor while in Hyannis Port, rather than Washington, there would be no secure place for the delivery of the child. So the Air Force, with Mrs. Kennedy's assistance, spent $5,000 on furniture to fix up a maternity room for the First Lady. But nobody told the President! He actually read about it in the morning paper! His reaction was recorded on his "dict-a-belt" recorder. He was aware of the tape, and you can actually hear the effort he is making to control his anger.
The upshot of these two phone calls was the furniture got returned to Jordan-Marsh, and one Air Force Officer was sent to Alaska. The General on the phone is not Curtis LeMay, and "Furnituregate" has never been suspected as an element in the plot to kill the President. But these tapes are a hilarious look at what goes on in the White House, then, as well as now.
On October 22nd, 1962 President Kennedy announced that the Soviet Union was installing nuclear missiles in Cuba, 90 miles from our shores. Acting under the auspices of the Monroe Doctrine he gave a 17 minute speech in which he outlined his response to the Soviet action, including the famous quarantine of Cuba, in which all Soviet ships headed to Cuba were boarded and searched. Those ships which refused to be searched were turned back by our Navy. On October 28th, 6 days later, the crisis came to an end when Soviet premier Khrushchev announced the withdrawal of the missiles. On the surface the United States had won a huge victory. Or, so it would seem.
In reality the United States had done the same thing to the Soviet Union by placing over 600 Jupiter missiles along the Turkish border, all aimed at strategic targets within the Soviet Union. This was akin to our violating the Soviet Union’s right of the principles of the Monroe Doctrine, which we were using to have the Soviet missiles removed from Cuba.
Moscow's position was correct, if we could have missiles on their border, they could have missiles on ours. Unknown to American military intelligence at the time, was that there were, and had been, low yield "tactical" nuclear weapons, though not missiles, in Cuba since the ill-fated Bay of Pigs invasion in 1961. These weapons were for combat use, typically for the repulsion of invading forces. Had our troops landed in support of the coup, they would have been met with small scale nuclear arms. And that would have triggered a nuclear response from the United States, which of course would have set off a response from the Soviet Union. Now, here we were, one year later, facing off with the Soviet Union for a second time.
Kennedy and Khrushchev were both very concerned about losing control of their respective armed forces at the time. The Joints Chiefs of Staff wanted to invade over the missile issue, and the President wanted to negotiate. Officially, at the time, the so-called "Doomsday" clock stood at 1 minute to midnight, the closest the Soviet Union and the United States had ever come to a nuclear war. A solution, acceptable to both sides, needed to be found, and quickly!
Within 6 days of JFK's speech, Khrushchev announced the withdrawal of the Soviet missiles from Cuba. This was hailed as a great victory for America at the time. A closer look would have revealed otherwise. The facts would not come to light for several more years, and when they did surface it didn't look like we got such a great deal after all.
President Kennedy had proposed, and the Soviets accepted, the dismantling of 600 operational nuclear missiles on the Soviet border in exchange for removing 5 non-operational missiles from Cuba. There was one caveat; the terms of the deal could not be announced. The concessions by the United States were to be kept quiet. And they were, for several years.
The Soviet Union got exactly what they wanted, and in a way, so did we. At the time we were dismantling the Jupiter missiles on the Turkish border, we were installing newer, longer range missiles, all aimed at the same targets, throughout Germany and Western Europe.
By 1964 both Kennedy and Khrushchev were out of office, Kennedy felled by an assassin’s bullet(s), and Khrushchev removed to a Dachau, where he would spend his remaining days in seclusion. Both men had fallen victim to the forces that would thwart any peace efforts. Those forces are still with us, to this very day.